For soft power scholars, observers, and critics alike, one question has lingered since the concept emerged in the early 1990s: to what extent can soft power resources yield tangible outcomes? In other words, how do appreciation and admiration eventually translate into political influence? While China has spent billions on soft power and public diplomacy, few acknowledged any real achievements until recently. Now, however, emerging trends from China – paired with the “America First” doctrine – may have handed Beijing an unprecedented opportunity.
It is therefore timely to ask: what needs to happen for China to become a soft power superpower? Before addressing this, we must first examine the current state of China’s attractive power, particularly in comparison to the United States.
The State of American Soft Power
For decades, the U.S. has been the ultimate purveyor of “cool,” exporting everything from Hollywood, music, and fashion to the powerful, intangible ideals of the American Dream. Alongside these, the global dominance of the U.S. dollar and the English language have served as structural pillars of its worldwide appeal.
While this idealized image has been eroding for some time due to unpopular wars and policy decisions, the “America First” doctrine has undeniably shattered many of the country’s core elements of attraction. Dozens of articles have been published about Trump’s effect on U.S’ international appeal, such as when proclaiming the “End of American Soft Power,” or when suggesting the nation’s “reputation may never fully recover”. Notably, the late Joseph S. Nye, who coined the term, lamented in his final article that “Trump is the first [American president] to reject the idea that soft power has any value in foreign policy.”
The State of China’s Soft Power
Meanwhile, although China’s initial soft power push was arguably first noticed during the 2008 Beijing Olympics, the consensus was that its tightly state-managed nature would always breed suspicion and fail to genuinely attract foreign audiences. By the early to mid-2020s, however, observers beyond academia began noticing a surge in China-related trends. Some are viral and possibly ephemeral (like Labubu and “Chinamaxxing”), while others – such as electric vehicles and advanced infrastructure – show long-term potential. This has led prominent Western outlets to affirm China’s newfound “coolness.” Perhaps surprisingly, like Japan, this appeal draws on a striking mix of the ancient and the futuristic, from traditional mythology and imperial architecture to the cybernetic cityscapes of Shenzhen and Chongqing. Furthermore, Chinese open AI models are being praised and widely adoption abroad, while youth in the developing world are becoming increasingly familiar with China. While concerns over its influence remain, this familiarity is a crucial first step toward genuine appreciation.
The Tortuous Path towards Soft Power Superpower Status
Despite these recent and remarkable developments, there are several obstacles that China must overcome in its pathway to becoming a soft power superpower.
First, the Chinese people may need to become more “approachable.” Foreigners who admire Chinese culture and products must be able to more easily interact with locals, both when visiting China and when encountering Chinese citizens abroad. This is not a matter of manners, but rather a lingering language barrier. Fortunately, this gap may narrow as more people globally learn Chinese, and as more Chinese citizens acquire basic English for travel.
Second, while Chinese citizens should certainly take pride in their nation’s achievements, they must avoid projecting a sense of superiority. Soft power arises from quiet confidence, not boasting. This is not to say that Chinese people are overly boastful, but it is a vital dynamic to keep in mind. As China’s successes grow, they will inevitably create friction with other nations – particularly the U.S., which will not easily relinquish its real or perceived primacy.
Third, as foreigners grow to appreciate not only Chinese products but also the people behind them, they may genuinely begin to question whether the political system that enabled these achievements is as flawed as often depicted. This is not to whitewash the Chinese Communist Party (CPC)’s conduct, but rather to acknowledge that alternative models exist.
Fourth, and decreasing in likelihood, more foreigners can consume Chinese cultural and digital products, many can also visit China visa-free, and can even study there, but for now it is still quite hard to move and live there. This could be a major obstacle for the overall appeal of a country, as the ultimate manifestation of appreciation would often be settling there.
Fifth, and perhaps most complex, is the need for a long-term, dual process. Chinese citizens must find ways to voice their desire for certain foreign practices – such as greater legal and financial protections – without directly challenging the central party’s authority. In turn, the party could acknowledge these mutually beneficial reforms and implement them to foster greater sociocultural and economic development. The CPC may become more eager to embrace such gradual reforms not only due to internal demand, but also to meet external expectations as a responsible global leader – a role further highlighted by the leadership vacuum left by the U.S.
The Road Ahead: A Benevolent Hegemon?
Like all hegemons, the U.S. has always had its faults and questionable practices; thus, no one expects Chinese leadership to be flawless. However, if China’s leadership can garner broader, genuine admiration both domestically and abroad – particularly across the developing world – the soft power returns could be conspicuous.
Another critical variable not to be dismissed is the Chinese diaspora. Many overseas Chinese are already proudly showcasing their heritage from a sociocultural and economic perspective, while intentionally leaving out the political and ideological dimensions. This cautious approach could further assist Beijing’s intents.
If China successfully manages to provide global public goods – such as through a revamped Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its more recent Global Initiatives – foreign views on its political system may soften. While this is a long-term prediction, potentially decades away, this article serves as an intellectual exercise to envision how China might eventually equal or surpass the U.S. as a global soft power superpower (and not only), driven by genuine attraction rather than the current soft-economic blend, which is less stable.
In conclusion, we may be witnessing the beginning of China’s true soft power moment, moving beyond mere economic reliance. This shift appears possible because the CPC has slightly loosened its grip on creative endeavors that do not clash with state interests. While this “cool” wave is increasingly noticed worldwide, it remains largely superficial. The greater challenge will be ensuring this is not a temporary fad, and that China continues to deliver on innovation while confidently sharing it with the world. Words and actions must align. Only then can genuine attraction become a structural soft power advantage, much like the one the U.S. has enjoyed for decades.
